The
  Real Solidarity
  
  Adam
  Michnik is a symbol of the great betrayal in Poland among people in
  opposition. Why?
  
   
  
The story
  starts in 1979. In June the new Pope, John Paul II, came to Warsaw. During a
  Holy Mass that gathered around two million participants he said: "Do not
  be afraid to tell the truth. Do not be afraid of the system. People are
  created not to enmity but to solidarity. Let the Holy Spirit descend and renew
  the face of the land, this land." 
  
These words
  inspired people like Anna Walentynowicz and Andrzej Gwiazda who started a new
  worker's union in Gdansk. They wanted this union to bring people together so
  they could help one another, pray for the Fatherland and the Holy Father and
  contemplate his teaching on solidarity. Soon the Pope published his encyclical
  titled "Laborem Excercens." It was dedicated to the fathers of
  Poland's new movement. The communists were amazed when they saw this new
  movement, when they saw new unions in all the bigger cities. That was the
  beginning of Solidarity. 
  
The new
  movement had two aims: to reconcile people and to draw them near to each
  other. They had their prayer meetings, lectures and discussions over steaming
  cups of tea. It was the first movement since 1946 that united normal people
  such as workers and farmers and at the same time was out of state control. It
  influenced thousands of families. People basically wanted to spend time
  together to discuss life issues. Then they decided to strike and demand free
  speech. (Many people participated except doctors, nurses and teachers.
  Solidarity thought that it was immoral to leave children and the needy.) They
  demanded also to register new unions as the Independent Self-governed Worker's
  Union "Solidarity Movement."
  
Only three
  percent of Solidarity members were intellectuals (professors, known experts,
  etc). At this time the communists thought of how to infiltrate the movement.
  First they sent a group of advisers together with Geremek and Mazowiecki.
  Tadeusz Mazowiecki proposed to resign from his "philosophical
  postulates" in order to emphasize higher pensions and payment. But these
  advisors left Gdansk without success.
  
Eventually the
  union was registered and got its legal status.
  
  SECOND SOLIDARITY
  
  Meanwhile, the Polish communists were collaborating with the Kremlin on plans
  for a military coup in Poland. Gen Jaruzelski (one of the most important
  commanders in the Warsaw's Pact), who was obviously a Soviet general in Polish
  uniform, wanted to ask Moscow for help to silence Solidarity forever and to
  continue with socialism. At that time however, as we already know, Brezhnev
  was not so happy about that idea. From one side his soldiers were dying in
  Afghanistan, from the other side the Kremlin lost billions of dollars because
  of cheap oil prices and the expensive, unsuccessful pipeline project in Siberia (URENGOI 6). So Moscow supported Jaruzelski with clothing, tanks
  and thousands of bottles of vodka.
  
  In December of 1981 Jaruzelski became a dictator. He introduced Martial Law.
  Around 600,000 people were arrested during the next seven months. Nobody knows
  how many of them were killed, sent to Russia or forced to leave the country
  with one way tickets to Germany, Sweden or France. Most of the documents
  regarding this matter were destroyed in 1989 by the last communist government.
  However, during Martial Law the communists built a network of secret agents
  inside Solidarity who would eventually replace Solidarity's real leaders.
  Then, step by step, Moscow's people began playing the
  role of dissidents and informers for the Western Media. (The communists wanted
  to deceive Poland and the Western media was the best way to do it.) If the
  communists would say something on state TV then immediately most people would
  ignore it. The Western media appeared to be reliable at that time. But
  most of the correspondents did not properly investigate the information that was
  offered. They based their reports on what they were told by the
  "dissidents."
  
There were two
  cases of journalists who wanted to know the truth but both disappeared, and
  were probably taken to Russia. One of them contacted the real underground in
  Katowice. He worked for AP. The other was from VOA, if memory serves. Here is
  where the story of Mr. Adam Michnik begins. He was arrested like many others,
  but in special place. The communists opened the door of his prison for Western
  reporters. Slowly he started to convince the West that there were hardliners
  in the Communist Party and reformers. The first group were somewhere inside the Party but to
  the second group belonged Gen Jaruzelski, Mr. Jerzy Urban and Mr Kiszczak (who
  ordered the killing of father Jerzy Popieluszko - the chaplain of Solidarity).
  
Michnik
  misinformed the Western and Polish public through media such as Radio Free
  Europe. (However, the people of real Solidarity understood these tricks.)
  During his hardest time in prison Michnik managed to write books on Gen.
  Jaruzelski's intended reforms. He published in London. Other people who were
  imprisoned could only dream about reading underground press or writing letters
  to family. Censorship was pervasive from phones to school libraries, from
  radio to letters. (I personally have several envelops stamped with a "censorship" stamp and three of them
  were local and not foreign correspondence). Now we know from documents and
  from his behavior today that Michnik cooperated with Jaruzelski's regime
  during this entire period. The real leaders of Solidarity were either
  beaten or killed. (I.e. Mr Marian Jurczyk's -- leader of Solidarity in
  Szczecin  -- son and daughter were killed by the militia. There are many
  such examples. Recently documents were published which contain the names of 26
  priests who died on orders of the Communist Party between 1979-89. History
  will reveal many more such names.)
  
  But coming back to the 1980's: Communists (mainly Gen. Kiszczak) were
  preparing a round table event. They knew that Reagan's hard line towards the
  Kremlin would be successful and eventually Moscow would retreat. A few smart
  communists who studied at Harvard, Yale and other academies wanted to create controlled
  capitalism. They invented mechanisms to support leftist structures. Now, thanks to a
  brave lawyer (Mr. Michal Falzmann) who exactly ten years ago sacrificed his
  life, we know about the biggest fraud, the Foreign Debt Fund. Communists
  decided to share power with Solidarity in the following way: "We have
  money and you can control the economy except interior security units, army and
  intelligence police. Do not dare to judge us in any way. Mr. Jaruzelski will
  become your first president in the new Poland; 30 percent of the legislative mandate is
  yours but not more. The structures of state will remain the same. The whole
  administration is ours. Banks are ours and media as well. You can have one
  newspaper and some bulletins if you like. History will judge us not you."
  
Mr. Kiszczak
  chose people from the so-called opposition who had nothing to do with the
  original Solidarity and called them the "Second Party" at the Round
  Table meeting. For people who understood what was going on, it was a shameful
  betrayal. Around 200 people took part in that event. But again everything was
  prepared for foreign public opinion to show how democratic the communists
  were. However, the communists did not trust all the participants and organized
  the meeting with only twelve people from the Second Party. There were talks where
  secret agreements were signed. (From the perspective of time it is possible to
  draw the following conclusion: First, it is unbelievable that several
  important persons were not manipulated by the communists because these were
  people who took key
  positions and made a "soft landing" possible for the communists;
  secondly in 1989, during the Round Table, there were rumors that the
  communists managed to control people who were portrayed as
  "dissidents" in West.)
  
  Adam Michnik took money which was given by Solidarity and started the "Gazeta
  Wyborcza." Soon he wanted to silence anti-communism and defend former
  Party members. He was told not to use Solidarity signs in that newspaper. His
  paper became popular. He started to lie: 1) to accuse the Polish of anti-Semitism
  "which they drink with their mother's milk"; 2) to name people who
  wanted to tell the truth about communism as "hate-loving people"; 3)
  he started a press campaign against the government when it was going to take
  communist murderers to court; 4) he opposed the lustration - the legal
  procedure of explaining the alleged secret work of communists; 5) he lied about
  the mechanisms of robbery through the Foreign Debt Fund; 6) recently he even
  defended the murderers of father Popieluszko in a long,
  terrible interview with Kiszczak.
  
  His newspaper is full of lies. One day Michnik wrote "F... off from the
  general." He still thought of Jaruzelski. In 1989 Michnik and two or three
  other people had access to state archives and he took his documents. (The
  former Minister of Interior admitted this to me). Many articles about this
  have appeared in the anti-communist media.
  
  A year ago a journalist investigated the issue of the money Michnik took out
  of the Solidarity fund. He never explained how the money was spent. Instead he
  managed to sell his "Gazeta Wyborcza" and to establish a new company
  which bought it again, and much more, including a Hungarian radio station. He
  never answered questions raised by his past actions. Last Friday he went
  to Moscow to celebrate Gorbachev's birthday. His companion was ... Gen.
  Jaruzelski.
  
  THE MAIN QUESTION
  
  
  What happened to the real Solidarity? People were persecuted. Before 1989 most
  of them were fired from their companies. The communists made sure that they
  would not influence other people in any way. They were most often isolated and
  sometimes labeled "idiots," "irresponsible" or
  "crazy." I had a chance to talk to them and can see that they have
  wisdom and understanding. They know about their limits. Since the communists
  were able to destroy the real solidarity they want to unite people under one
  demand: to have true, free elections. The Polish people had no chance
  to elect as they wished. There is one reason for that - the electoral system
  does not allow for it. 
  
The fight for
  democracy in Poland goes on....